Thursday, 7 April 2016
1171 Herbert Asquith
Constituency : East Fife 1886-18, Paisley 1920-24
There's no doubting who the most important figure elected in 1886 was. The old cliche that all political careers end in failure was never more true than in Herbert's case and his miserable last decade has tended to obscure what an outstanding Prime Minister he actually was.
Herbert removed the Liberal Unionist defector John Kinnear at East Fife in a tight contest.
Herbert was the son of a Congregationalist wool merchant from Yorkshire. His father died when he was 10 and he lived with uncles in Huddersfield and London. He attended City of London School and won a scholarship to Balliol College, Oxford. He was president of the Oxford Union and became a barrister. He soon became prosperous. In 1877 he married a doctor's daughter named Helen who died of typhoid fever in 1891 having given birth to four of his children..
Herbert's talents were quickly noted in Parliament. Gladstone invited hi to dinner after his maiden speech .In 1892, Gladstone made him Home Secretary despite his never having held office before. In 1894 he married Margot, daughter of his fellow Liberal MP Charles Tennant.
Herbert was touted for party leader in 1898 but declined to stand preferring to earn more money as a barrister. The new leader, Campbell-Bannerman wanted him in significant debates because of his command of facts and debating style and would say "Send for the sledgehammer !" He was effectively used as a public speaker against Chamberlain's Tariff Reform campaign.
Herbert was part of the so-called Relugas Compact against Campbell-Bannerman but instead accepted the offer of Chancellor of the Exchequer and effective deputy Prime Minister.
As Chancellor he moved the first steps towards old age pensions, with small means-tested pensions for those over 70.
When Campbell-Bannerman had to resign Herbert was his undisputed successor. He promoted Lloyd George to succeed him and Winston Churchill to replace the Welshman at the Board of Trade. He also sacked a number of peers who complained that he had not been gentlemanly about it. His Cabinet is generally agreed to have been one of the most distinguished that was ever assembled and his management of such a group of disparate talents a major feather in his cap.
Herbert soon ran into the problem that had bedevilled Campbell-Bannerman, the large Unionist majority in the House of Lords which thought nothing of wrecking or emasculating bills passed in the Commons where they were now so weak. After they'd mauled a licensing bill and two Scottish bills Herbert and Lloyd George decided to test them with a provocative Finance Bill which the Lords traditionally didn't oppose.
Herbert gave fair warning of this in a speech in December 1908 and Lloyd George's Budget of 1909 introduced a major expansion of death duties and a tax on undeveloped land to pay for expansion of the social welfare programme. Most Liberals got behind it although Rosebery denounced it as "inquisitorial, tyrannical and Socialistic". The Lords, led by Lansdowne duly rejected it as lacking an electoral mandate and Herbert got a dissolution of Parliament after a motion denouncing the Lords' action as unconstitutional was passed by the Commons.
The January 1910 election returned almost equal numbers of Liberals and Tories but Herbert was able to continue with the support of Labour and Irish Nationalists, neither of whom were going to defend the Lords' privileges. There was no question of the budget being rejected now but the larger issue of the Lords veto became the uppermost political question. Herbert was obliged to admit that he had not asked Edward VII to agree to create new Liberal peers which many had assumed he had. The Cabinet decided to press ahead with Campbell-Bannerman's plan to remove the veto on money bills and reduce it to a three year delaying power on other legislation. Herbert hinted during the debate that he would approach the king on the question of peers.
This was scuppered by Edward's death in May 1910. Herbert felt obliged to hold cross party talks to avoid putting too much pressure on the new monarch. These foundered on the Unionists' realisation that the Lords would not be able to block Home Rule indefinitely under the Liberal proposals. When the Parliament Bill was rejected in November Herbert asked George V for both a dissolution and a commitment to create enough Liberal peers to pass the Parliament Act. To the king's protests he answered that the government would have to resign if this was refused. The king gave way.
The ensuing election produced almost exactly the same result keeping Herbert firmly in charge. The Parliament Bill went through the Commons but was heavily amended in the Lords. Herbert went to the King who asked that his pledge be made public so that the Lords could reconsider their opposition. After a fierce debate the Parliament Act was confirmed by a small majority and Herbert had irrevocably reduced the power of the Lords.
With the Lords' resistance broken, the Liberals could press on with their social agenda and old age pensions, unemployment insurance and labour exchanges were all introduced on Herbert's watch. However the government faced major challenges. They had to deal with the suffragettes' campaign for female suffrage to which Herbert was personally opposed . This was not in tune with the majority of his party but he could not be convinced that it would improve the system of government and the violence of the campaign hardened his resistance to it. He did eventually signal his support for it in 1917 but is still criticised for his previous opposition. The years 1912 to 1914 also saw major industrial unrest although , despite the apprehensions of many, it never crystallised into a direct challenge to the government.
The major challenge though came over Ireland. As he came from the imperialist wing of the party Herbert had no great enthusiasm for Home Rule and absented himself from the cabinet committee that drew up the third Home Rule Bill in 1912. However he was fully aware that he could not alienate the Nationalists when they formed an important part of his parliamentary majority. All too aware that the Bill could only be delayed for three years the Unionists campaigned on the issue of Ulster and threatened to support extra-parliamentary action if it were not excluded from the legislation. Civil war in Ireland seemed about to break out when the First World War erupted and the Nationalist leader John Redmond accepted the need to delay its implementation.
The War could not have gone much worse for Herbert. That wasn't immediately apparent as the Cabinet members who resigned on its outbreak were dead wood anyway but by the end of the year it was clear that the War was creating great strains in the party. The general European war was exactly what Free Trade was supposed to prevent and its existence and the methods needed to wage it drove great wedges between former colleagues.
In May 1915 a twin crisis caused by a munitions shortage and the costly failure of the Gallipoli campaign obliged Herbert to take the Unionists into his government , sacrificing Haldane and Churchill as the price but keeping most of the important offices in Liberal hands. Herbert also had a personal crisis to deal with that year when a young woman Venetia Stanley who may or may not have been his mistress but was certainly his greatest confidante married his colleague Edwin Montagu whom he had previously disparaged as "the Assyrian". This increased his fondness for drink and self-indulgence leading to a lethargy that ill-suited a wartime premier.
Things did not get easier. He lost an important Liberal colleague John Simon over conscription. He was widely criticised for indecision over the Easter Rising particularly in not halting the counter-productive executions that followed. He then suffered a terrible personal blow when his brilliant son Raymond became the most prominent casualty at the Battle of the Somme.
While he was reeling from this , Lloyd George who was prosecuting the war with every ounce of his formidable energy and fast picking up Unionist admirers as a result started campaigning for a smaller more effective committee to manage the war with him as chair. Herbert agreed at first as long as the committee reported to him but when an article in The Times presented this as a sidelining of himself he said he must chair it personally. He believed that Lloyd George was encouraging some of the press attacks on him.
Lloyd George resigned as did Balfour despite Herbert's previous support for him against criticism. With the Conservatives now less willing to support him Herbert and the majority of the Liberal Cabinet resigned , apparently believing that no one could form a government without him. The King could not persuade him to serve under Bonar Law or Balfour. Bonar Law declined to form a government without him. Balfour then agreed to become Foreign Secretary if Lloyd George formed a government ensuring the support of a significant section of both parties. Labour also endorsed this arrangement. Herbert had over-played his hand.
Herbert and most of the Liberal ministers refused to join the government and instead offered "general support" from the backbenches but soon found this a very difficult position to occupy. Over a third of his party's MPs were backing Lloyd George to see the war through to a successful conclusion and the pacifist wing were thoroughly disgusted with him. He challenged Lloyd George over the Supreme War Council and the removal of General Robertson but found that Lloyd George's greatest political card was the thought of himself returning to power. Herbert's biggest challenge came in the Maurice debate over an accusation that Lloyd George was withholding troops from the front. He led the attack in the Commons but then faltered, apparently losing the nerve to bring down the government. Shortly afterwards he was offered the job of Lord Chancellor but refused to go to the Lords.
In the 1918 General Election Lloyd George and Bonar Law didn't want him opposed but the local Conservative association, seeing an opportunity to bring down their old enemy, put up a candidate who spectacularly defeated him. Lloyd George declined his overtures to go to the Paris Peace Conference. Herbert had all the blame for Britain's entry into the war and none of the kudos for winning it.
In 1920 Herbert returned to Parliament in a by-election at Paisley ( on the death of one of the few "Asquithian " MPs ) . This was despite a public letter by a number of former Liberal MPs who'd gone over to Labour denouncing him .He became Leader of the feeble Liberal rump and attempted to broaden the Opposition in talks with the dissident Tory Robert Cecil but the latter saw him as damaged goods and wanted Grey to take over. Even staunch opponents of Lloyd George within the Liberal party such as Herbert Gladstone privately criticised him as old and out of touch. C P Scott described him as "a great boulder blocking the way". Llewellyn Williams recorded that he hardly contributed at all to the talk at a Bar dinner.
Still Herbert hoped for better times. He presided over a modest revival of Liberal fortunes at the 1922 election then accepted the submission of Lloyd George and his supporters to wage a unified campaign against Baldwin's call for protectionism in 1923. In the closest thing to a three way split of seats the UK system has ever produced, the Liberals came a good third . Baldwin refused to abandon Protection to avoid having to do any sort of deal with Lloyd George so Herbert had to decide what to do about Labour.
Herbert made his final miscalculation. He let Labour take office as a minority government rather than negotiate a coalition. He seems to have thought McDonald would recognise his own incompetence and call the Liberals in to the government before long when he could dictate terms and the Liberals would be "masters of the situation". He didn't realise that McDonald was less bothered about staying in government than destroying the party that had rejected him as a candidate. He simply dared the Liberals to turf him out and fight another election in which Labour would contest all their seats. This happened nine months later over the Campbell affair.
In the 1924 election the Liberals were trashed and Herbert once again suffered a crushing personal defeat losing Paisley by 2,228 votes. The Conservatives chose not to oppose him so the maverick young Labour candidate should have had no chance but it seems as if the desire to be rid of a redundant old relic transcended normal political loyalties. The Labour man seemed more upset about it than Herbert himself and was in floods of tears at the result.
There was talk of finding Herbert a seat in the rural fastnesses of Wales but he rejected the idea of being Lloyd George's neighbour outright. Instead he agreed to go to the Lords as Earl of Oxford and Asquith. Even this caused controversy as his title was challenged by the historic De Vere family as too close to their own designation. That same year he lost out for the Chancellorship of his beloved Oxford.Tension between his supporters and those of Lloyd George soon re-surfaced and the two men fell out again over the General Strike. Herbert proposed to discipline him over his failure to support the party line - an absurdity given the Liberals' parlous position but his move was abruptly curtailed by a severe stroke which forced his final retirement from public life.
Herbert was generally genial and in control of himself despite his nickname of "Squiffy". He had a reputation for being a nuisance towards young women but seems to have known when to stop his advances.
He died two years later aged 75 . He left a fairly modest sum having spent most of his earnings on socialising.
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